II Middle English Period (1066-1500)
Introduction
This file contains a small selection of authors from the Middle English period which is taken to begin with the Norman Conquest of 1066 and to end after the introduction of printing by William Caxton in 1476. The order here is not chronological. Instead, the major author of this period, Geoffrey Chaucer, comes first. After that three well-known works of Middle English, with a general religious orientation, are presented. These are followed by a group of texts consisting of the private correspondence of a 15th century family. Such texts are assumed to be much closer to the spoken language of the day than are the literary works in the first four sections. There are biographical notes on these authors at the end of this file.
1. Geoffrey Chaucer: The Canterbury Tales (Prologue)
Here bygynneth the Book |
Here begins the Book |
1: Whan that aprill with his shoures soote |
When April with his showers sweet with fruit |
19: Bifil that in that seson on a day, |
Befell that, in that season, on a day |
35: But nathelees, whil I have tyme and space, |
But none the less, whilst I have time and space, |
The Knight's Portrait |
THE KNIGHT |
43: A knyght ther was, and that a worthy man, |
A knight there was, and he a worthy man, |
The Squire's Portrait |
THE SQUIRE |
79: With hym ther was his sone, a yong squier, |
With him there was his son, a youthful squire, |
The Yeoman's Portrait |
THE YEOMAN |
101: A yeman hadde he and servantz namo |
A yeoman had he, nor more servants, no, |
The Prioress' Portrait |
THE PRIORESS |
118: Ther was also a nonne, a prioresse, |
There was also a nun, a prioress, |
The Second Nun's Portrait |
THE NUN |
163: Another nonne with hire hadde she, |
Another little nun with her had she, |
THE THREE PRIESTS |
THE THREE PRIESTS |
164: That was hir chapeleyne, and preestes thre. |
Who was her chaplain; and of priests she'd three. |
The Monk's Portrait |
THE MONK |
165: A monk ther was, a fair for the maistrie, |
A monk there was, one made for mastery, |
The Friar's Portrait |
THE FRIAR |
208: A frere ther was, a wantowne and a merye, |
A friar there was, a wanton and a merry, |
The Merchant's Portrait |
THE MERCHANT |
270: A marchant was ther with a forked berd, |
There was a merchant with forked beard, and girt |
The Clerk's Portrait |
THE CLERK |
285: A clerk ther was of oxenford also, |
A clerk from Oxford was with us also, |
The The Man of Law's Portrait |
THE LAWYER |
309: A sergeant of the lawe, war and wys, |
A sergeant of the law, wary and wise, |
The Franklin's Portrait |
THE FRANKLIN |
331: A frankeleyn was in his compaignye. |
There was a franklin in his company; |
The Guildsmen's Portrait |
THE HABERDASHER AND THE CARPENTER |
361: An haberdasshere and a carpenter, |
A haberdasher and a carpenter, |
The Cook's Portrait |
THE COOK |
379: A cook they hadde with hem for the nones |
A cook they had with them, just for the nonce, |
The Shipman's Portrait |
THE SAILOR |
388: A shipman was ther, wonynge fer by weste; |
There was a sailor, living far out west; |
The Physician's Portrait |
THE PHYSICIAN |
411: With us ther was a doctour of phisik; |
With us there was a doctor of physic; |
The Wife of Bath's Portrait |
THE WIFE OF BATH |
445: A good wif was ther of biside bathe, |
There was a housewife come from Bath, or near, |
The Parson's Portrait |
THE PARSON |
477: A good man was ther of religioun, |
There was a good man of religion, too, |
The Plowman's Portrait |
THE PLOWMAN |
529: With hym ther was a plowman, was his brother, |
With him there was a plowman, was his brother, |
The Miller's Portrait |
THE MILLER |
545: The millere was a stout carl for the nones; |
The miller was a stout churl, be it known, |
The Manciple's Portrait |
THE MANCIPLE |
567: A gentil maunciple was ther of a temple, |
There was a manciple from an inn of court, |
The Reeve's Portrait |
THE REEVE |
587: The reve was a sclendre colerik man. |
The reeve he was a slender, choleric man |
The Summoner's Portrait |
THE SUMMONER |
623: A somonour was ther with us in that place, |
A summoner was with us in that place, |
The Pardoner's Portrait |
THE PARDONER |
669: With hym ther rood a gentil pardoner |
With him there rode a gentle pardoner |
|
PROLOGUE |
715: Now have I toold you soothly, in a clause, |
Now have I told you briefly, in a clause, |
2. William Langland: Piers Plowman (Prologue)
1: In a somer seson, whan softe was the sonne, |
In a summer season · when soft was the sun, |
3. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight
Prologue SIÞEN þe sege and þe assaut watz sesed at Troye, If he hem stowned vpon fyrst, stiller were þanne
Þe grene kny3t vpon grounde grayþely hym dresses, |
Prologue Book I: Christmas in Camelot |
Of hem that writen ous tofore |
|
5. A selection of personal correspondence
The letters of the Paston family (early 15th century)
TO WILLIAM PASTON I 1440, 04, 20?
To my worshepefull housbond W. Paston be þis lettere takyn.
Dere housbond, I recomaunde me to yow, &c. Blyssyd be God, I sende yow gode tydynggys of þe comyng and þe brynggyn hoom of þe gentylwomman þat ye wetyn of fro Redham þis same nyght, acordyng to poyntmen þat ye made þer-for yowre-self. And as for þe furste aqweyntaunce be-twhen John Paston and þe seyde gentilwomman, she made hym gentil chere in gyntyl wyse and seyde he was verrayly yowre son. And so I hope þer shal nede no gret treté be-twyxe hym. þe parson of Stocton toold me yif ye wolde byin here a goune, here moder wolde yeue ther-to a godely furre. þe goune nedyth for to be had, and of coloure it wolde be a godely blew or ellys a bryghte sanggueyn. I prey yow do byen for me ij pypys of gold. Yowre stewes do weel. The Holy Trinité have yow in gouernaunce. Wretyn at Paston in hast þe Wednesday next after Deus qui errantibus, for defaute of a good secretarye, &c. Yowres, Agnes Paston.
To Edmond Paston of Clyffordis Inne in London be this lettre take.
To myn welbelouid sone I grete yow wel, and avyse yow to thynkke onis of the daie of yowre fadris counseyle to lerne the lawe; for he seyde manie tymis that ho so euer schuld dwelle at Paston schulde have nede to conne defende hymselfe.
The vikarie of Paston and yowre fadre, in Lenttyn laste was, wher thorwe and acordidde, and doolis sette howe broode the weye schuld ben; and nowe he hathe pullid vppe the doolis and seithe he wolle makyn a dyche fro the cornere of his walle ry3ht overe the weye to the newe diche of the grete cloose. And there is a man in Truntche hy3ht Palmere to, þat hadde of yowre fadre certein londe in Truntche on vij yere ore viij yere agoone for corn, and trwli hathe paide all the yeris; and now he hathe suffrid the corne to ben with-sette for viij s. of rentte to Gymmyngham, wich yowre fadre paide nevere. Geffreie axid Palmere why the rentte was notte axid in myn husbonddis tyme, and Palmere seyde, for he was a grete man and a wyse man of the lawe, and that was the cawse men wolde not axe hym the rentte. I sende yow the namis of the men that kaste down the pittis that was Gynnis Close wretyn in a bille closid in this lettre. I sendde yow not this lettre to make yow wery of Paston, for I leve in hoope; and ye wolle lerne that they schulle be made werye of here werke, fore in good feyth I dare wel seyne it was yowre fadris laste wille to have do ry3ht wel to that plase, and that can I schewe of good prefe, thowe men wolde seye naye. God make yow ry3ht a good man, and sende Goddis blessyng and myn. Wrettyn in haste at Norwich the Thorsdaie aftir Candelmasse Daie. Wetith of yowre brothere John how manie gystis wolle serve the parlour and the chapelle at Paston, and what lenghthe they moste be and what brede and thykkenesse thei moste be; for yowre fadris wille was, as I weene veryli, that thei schuld be ix enchis on wey and vij another weye, and pourveiithe therfore that thei mow be squarid there and sentte hedre, for here can non soche be hadde in this conttré. And seye to yowre brothir John it weere wel don to thinkke on Stansted chirche; and I praye yow to sende me tydynggis from be-yond see, for here thei arn aferde to telle soche as be reportid. By yowre modre Angneis Paston
To John Paston be þis letter delyueryd.
Soon, I grete 3ow wel wyth Goddys blyssyng and myn; and I latte 3ow wette þat my cosyn Clere wrytted to me þat sche spake wyth Schrowpe aftyre þat he had byen wyth me at Norwyche, and tolde here what chere þat I had made hym; and he seyde to here he lyked wel by þe chere þat I made hym. He had swyche wordys to my cosyn Clere þat lesse þan 3e made hym good chere and 3af hym wordys of conforth at London he wolde no more speke of þe matyre. My cosyn Clere thynkyth þat it were a foly to forsake hym lesse þan 3e knew of on owdyre as good ore bettere, and I haue assayde 3owre sustere and I fonde here neuer so wylly to noon as sche is to hym, 3yf it be so þat his londe stande cleere. I sent 3ow a letter by Brawnton fore sylke and fore þis matyre be-fore my cosyn Clere wrote to me, þe qwyche was wrytten on þe Wednysday nex3t aftyre Mydsomere Day. Ser Herry Ynglows is ry3th besy a-bowt Schrowpe fore on of his do3thteres. I prey 3ow fore-3ette no3th to brynge me my mony fro Horwelbery as 3e com fro London, edyre all ore a grete parte. þe dew dette was at Crystemesse last paste, no thynge a-lowyd, vij li. xiiij s. viij d., and at þis Mydsomere it is v li. more; and thow I a-low hym all his askyng it is but xxvj s. vj d. lesse, but I am no3th so avysyth 3ytt. As fore þe frere, he hath byen at Sent Benettys and at Norwyche, and made grete bowste of þe sewte þat he hath a-3ens me, and bow3the many boxes, to what jntent I wett neuer. It is well doen to be ware at London in drede 3yf he bryng ony syse at Sent Margaretys tyme. I kan no more, but Almy3ty God be owre good lorde, who have 3ow euer in kepyng. Wryten at Oxnede in grete hast on þe Satyr-[day] next aftyre Mydsomere. By 3owre modyre A. P.
To John Paston at London be this delyuerd jn hast.
I grete you welle, and lete you wete that this day Bertholomew Elys of Paston come to Norwych to me and shewyt me a rentall for the terme of Seynt Michel the yere of Kyng H. vixxxixti , and jn the ende of the seyd rentall, of Waryn Kynges hand, is wretyn Agnes Paston vij d. ob. Item, the same Agnes for v acre lond xx d.
Item, Aleyn Bayfeld askyth the same rent for the yere last past at Michelmas.
Item, I haue knowlech be a trew man that whan Sharpe the reseyuore was at Gemyngham last Waryn Herman was dyuers dayes wyth hym, and put hym in mynde þat þe mercyment for makyng of the walle chuld be askyd ageyn and be distreynyd þer-fore.
Item, I sent you be Doctore Aleyns man the rescew of Waryn Herman and seche names as Cullynge and Sammys putt in of her owyn fre wylle be-fore John Northales, shereue of Norwyche, vnder her selis. God be wyth you and send you his blyssyng and myn. Wretyn at Norwych the Tuisday next after Seynt Andrew.
Item, the seyd Bertholomew Elis seyth that þe seyd reseyuore wold not alowe the rent in Trunche nor the mercymentys for my sute to þe curt. Gonnore wold suffyr no man to answere for me. Be youre moder Agnes Paston
Tho my wele be-louyd son John Paston be þis delyuered in haste.
Sonne, I grete 3ow wele and lete 3ow wete þat, for as myche as 3oure broþir Clement leteth me wete þat 3e desyre feythfully my blyssyng, þat blyssyng þat I prayed 3oure fadir to gyffe 3ow þe laste day þat euer he spakke, and þe blyssyng of all seyntes vndir heven, and myn, mote come to 3ow all dayes and tymes. And thynke veryly non oþer but þat 3e haue it, and shal haue it wyth þat þat I fynde 3ow kynde and wyllyng to þe wele of 3oure fadres soule and to þe welfare of 3oure breþeren. Be my counseyle, dyspose 3oure-selfe as myche as 3e may to haue lesse to do in þe worlde, 3oure fadyr sayde, 'In lityl bysynes lyeth myche reste.' þis worlde is but a þorugh-fare and ful of woo, and whan we departe þer-fro, ri3th nou3ght bere wyth vs but oure good dedys and ylle. And þer knoweth no man how soon God woll clepe hym, and þer-for it is good for euery creature to be redy. Qhom God vysyteth, him he louyth. And as for 3oure breþeren, þei wylle I knowe certeynly laboren all þat in hem lyeth for 3ow. Oure Lorde haue 3ow in his blyssed kepyng, body and soule. Writen at Norwyche þe xxix day of Octobyr.
TO MARGARET PASTON 1461, 07, 12
To my cosyn Margaret Paston
I recomaund me to yow, letyng yow wete þat the vndershreve doughtyth hym of John Berney; wherfore I pray yow bryng hem to-gedyr and set hem acord if ye can, so þat the seyd vndershreve be sure þat he shall not be hurt be hym ner of hys cuntrymen. And yf he woll not, lete hym verely vndyrstonde þat he shall be compellyd to fynd hym suerté of the pes, magry in hys heed; and þat shall nowther be profitabyll ner worchepfull. And lete hym wete þat there have be many compleyntes of hym be þat knavyssh knyght Ser Miles Stapilton, as I sent yow word before; but he shall come to hys excuse wele jnow so he have a mannys hert, and the seyd Stapylton shall be vndyrstand as he ys, a fals shrewe. And he and hys wyfe and other have blaveryd here of my kynred in hodermoder, but be þat tyme we have rekned of old dayes and late dayes myn shall be found more worchepfull thanne hys and hys wyfes, or ellys I woll not for hys gilt gypcer. Also telle the seyd Berney þat the shreve ys in a dought whedyr he shall make a newe eleccion of knyghtes of the shyre be-cause of hym and Grey, where-in it were bettyr for hym to have the shreves good wyll.
Item, me thynkyth for quiete of the cuntré it were most worchepfull þat as wele Berney as Grey shuld get a record of all suche þat myght spend xl s. a yere þat were at the day of eleccion, whech of them þat had fewest to geve it vp as reson wold. Wretyn at London on Relyk Sonday.
Item, þat ye send a-bought for syluer acordyng to the old bylle þat I sent yow from Lynne. John Paston
TO MARGARET PASTON 1461, 08, 01
To my mastres Paston and Richard Calle.
j. First, that Richard Calle fynde the meane that a distresse may be taken of such bestes as occupie the ground at Stratton, and that cleyme and contynuan[[s]] be made of my possession in any wise and that thei be not suffrid to occupie with-owt thei compoune with me; and that aftir the distresse taken the vndirshreve be spoke with-all that he make no replevyn with-out agrement or a-poyntement taken, that the right of the lond may be vndirstand. ij. Item, I here sey the peple is disposed to be at the shire at Norwich on Sen Lauerauns Day for th' affermyng of that thei have do afore, wherof I hold me wele content if thei do it of her owne disposicion; but I woll not be the cause of the labour of hem ner ber no cost of hem at this tyme, for be þe lawe I am suer befor, but I am wel a-payed it shall be on han halyday for lettyng of the peples werk. I vndirstand ther shall be labour for a coroner that day, for ther is labour made to me for my good wyll here, and I wyll no thyng graunt with-owt the vnder-shreves assent, for he and I thought that Richard Bloumvyle were good to that occupacion. Item, ye shall vndirstand that the vndirshreve was some-what flekeryng whill he was here, for he informyd the Kyng that the last eleccion was not peasibill, but the peple was iakkyd and saletted and riottously disposid, and put hym in fere of his lyfe; wherefore I gate of hym the writte whech I send yow herwith, to that entent thow any fals shrewe wold labour he shuld not be sure of the writ. And therfore ye most se that the vndirshreve have the writ at the day in case the peple be gadered, and thanne lete th' endentures be made vp or er they departe. iij. Item, that ye remembyr Thomas Denys wyfe that her husbond had diuers billes of extorcion don be Heydon and other, whech that he told me that his seid wyfe beryid whan the rumour was, so that thei were ny roten. Bidde her loke hem vp and take hem yow. iiij. Item, as for the seyd distreynyng at Stratton, I wold that Dawbeney and Thomas Bon shuld knowe the closes and the ground, that thei myght attende ther-to that Richard were not lettyd of other occupacions; and I wold this were do as sone as is possibill or I come home. Not withstandyng I trowe I shall come home or the shire, but I woll nat it be knowe till the same day, for I woll not come there with-owt I be sent fore be the peple to Heylisdoune. Not withstandyng, and the peple were wele auertised at that day they shuld be the more redy to shewe the oribyll extorcions and briborys that hath be do vpon hem to the Kyng at his comyng, desyring hym that he shuld not have in fauour the seyd extorcioners but compelle hem to make amendes and sethe to the pore peple. v.Item, that Berney and Richard Wright geve such folkys warnyng as wyll compleyne to be redy with her billes if thei list to have any remedy. vj. vij. Item, that the maters ayens Ser Miles Stapilton at Aylesham may be remembyrd. Also if ye can be any craft get a copy of the bille that Ser Miles Stapilton hath of the corte rolles of Gemyngham, that ye fayle not but assay and do yowre devyr, for that shuld preve some men shamefully fals. Master Braklé seyd he shuld a get oon of Freston. I wold he shuld assay, or ellys parauenture Skypwith or ellys Master Sloley, for if Stapilton were boren in hande that he shuld be founde fals and ontrewe and first founder of that mater, he wold bothe shewe the bille and where he had it. viij. Item, I wold the prestis of Caster wer content for Midsomer term. ix. Item, ther is a whith box with evidens of Stratton in on of the canvas baggis jn the gret cofir or in the spruse chestt-Richard Call knowith it well; and therin is a ded of feffement and a letter of atorné mad of þe seyd londis in Stratton to John Dam, W. Lomnour, Richard Call, and John Russe. I wold a new dede and letter of atorn[é] were mad owth theroff be tho feffees of þe same land to Thome Grene, Th[o]me Playter, þe p[ar]son of Heylisdon, Jacobo Gloys, klerk, Joh[ann]i Pampi[n]g, and that the ded ber date nowh and þat it be selid at þe next shire; for than I suppose þe seyd feffés will be there, if it may not be don er that tym. I wold haue þe seyd dedis leyd in a box, both old and new, and left secretly at Richard Thornis hows at Stratton, þat whan I com homwar[d] I migh[t] fynd it ther and mak seson and stat to be take whil I wer there. Wret at London on Lammes Day.
TO JOHN PASTON I 1441, 12, 14
To my ryth reuerent and worscheful husbond John Paston.
Ryth reuerent and worscheful husbond, I recomav[n]de me to yow, desyryng hertyly to here of yowre wylfare, thankyng yow for þe tokyn þat ye sent me be Edmunde Perys, preyng yow to wete þat my modyr sent to my fadyr to London for a govne cloth of mvstyrddevyllers to make of a govne for me; and he tolde my modyr and me wanne he was comme hom þat he cargeyt yow to bey it aftyr þat he were come ovte of London. I pre yow, yf it be not bowt, þat ye wyl wechesaf to by it and send yt hom as sone as ye may, for I haue no govne to werre þis wyntyr but my blake and my grene a Lyere, and þat ys so comerus þat I ham wery to wer yt. As for þe gyrdyl þat my fadyr be-hestyt me, I spake to hym þer-of a lytyl be-fore he 3ede to London last, and he seyde to me þat þe favte was in yow þat 3e wolde not thynke þer-vppe-on to do mak yt; but i sopose þat ys not so=he seyd yt but for a skevsacion. I pre yow, yf ye dor tak yt vppe-on yow, þat ye wyl weche-safe to do mak yt a-yens ye come hom; for I hadde neuer more nede þer-of þan I haue now, for I ham waxse so fetys þat I may not be gyrte in no barre of no gyrdyl þat I haue but of on. Elysabet Peverel hath leye seke xv or xvj wekys of þe seyetyka, but sche sent my modyr word be Kate þat sche xuld come hedyr wanne God sent tyme, þoov sche xuld be crod in a barwe. Jon of Dam was here, and my modyr dyskevwyrd me to hym, and he seyde be hys trovth þat he was not gladder of no thyng þat he harde thys towlmonyth þan he was þer-of. I may no le[n]ger leve be my crafte, i am dysscevwyrd of alle men þat se me. Of alle odyr thyngys þat ye deseyreyd þat I xuld sende yow word of I haue sent yow word of in a letter þat I dede wryte on Ovwyr Ladyis Day laste was. þe Holy Trenyté haue yow in hese kepyng. Wretyn at Oxnede in ryth gret hast on þe Thrusday next be-fore Seynt Tomas Day. I pre yow þat ye wyl were þe reyng wyth þe emage of Seynt Margrete þat I sent yow for a rememrav[n]se tyl ye come hom. Ye haue lefte me sweche a rememrav[n]se þat makyth me to thynke vppe-on yow bothe day and nyth wanne I wold sclepe. Yowre ys, M. P.
TO JOHN PASTON I 1443, 09, 28
To my rygth worchepful husbond Jhon Paston, dwellyng in þe Innere Temple at London, in hast.
Ryth worchipful hosbon, I recomande me to yow, desyryng hertely to here of your wilfare, thanckyng God of your a-mendyng of þe grete dysese þat ye have hade; and I thancke yow for þe letter þat ye sent me, for be my trowthe my moder and I were nowth in hertys es fro þe tyme þat we woste of your sekenesse tyl we woste verely of your a-mendyng. My moder hat be-hestyd a-nodyr ymmage of wax of þe weytte of yow to Oyur Lady of Walsyngham, and sche sent iiij nobelys to þe iiij orderys of frerys at Norweche to pray for yow; and I have be-hestyd to gon on pylgreymmays to Walsyngham and to Sent Levenardys for yow. Be my trowth, I had neuer so hevy a sesyn as I had fro þe tyme þat I woste of your sekenesse tyl I woste of your a-mendyng, and 3yth myn hert is in no grete esse, ne nowth xal be tyl I wott þat 3e ben very hol. Your fader and myn was dys day sevenyth at Bekelys for a matyr of the Pryor of Bromholme, and he lay at Gerlyston þat nyth and was þer tyl it was ix of þe cloke and þe toder day. And I sentte thedyr for a gounne, and my moder seyde þat I xulde non have dens tyl I had be þer a-3en; and so þei cowde non gete. My fader Garneyss sentte me worde þat he xulde ben here þe nexth weke, and myn emme also, and pleyn hem here wyth herre hawkys; and þei xulde have me hom wyth hem. And, so God help me, I xal exscusse me of myn goyng dedyr yf I may, for I sopose þat I xal redelyer have tydyngys from yow herre dan i xulde have þer. I xal sende my moder a tokyn þat sche toke me, for I sopose þe tyme is cum þat I xulde sendeth here yf I kepe þe be-hest þat I have made-I sopose I have tolde yow wat it was. I pray yow hertely þat [ye] wol wochesaf to sende me a letter as hastely as 3e may, yf wrytyn be non dysesse to yow, and þat ye wollen wochesaf to sende me worde quowe your sor dott. Yf I mythe have hade my wylle I xulde a seyne yow er dys tyme. I wolde 3e wern at hom, yf it were your ese and your sor myth ben as wyl lokyth to here as it tys þer 3e ben now, lever dan a new gounne, þow it were of scarlette. I pray yow, yf your sor be hol and so þat 3e may indure to ryde, wan my fader com to London þat 3e wol askyn leve and com hom wan þe hors xul be sentte hom a-3eyn; for I hope 3e xulde be kepte as tenderly herre as 3e ben at London. I may non leyser have to do wrytyn half a quarter so meche as I xulde seyn to yow yf I myth speke wyth yow. I xal sende yow a-nothyr letter as hastely as I may. I thanke yow þat 3e wolde wochesaffe to remember my gyrdyl, and þat 3e wolde wryte to me at þis tyme, for I sopose þe wrytyng was non esse to yow. All-myth God have yow in hys kepyn and sende yow helth. Wretyn at Oxenede in ryth grete hast on Sent Mihyllys Evyn. Yourrys, M. Paston My modyr gretit 3ow wel and sendyt 3ow Goddys blyssyng and here, and sche prayith 3ow, and I pray 3ow also, þat 3e be wel dyetyd of mete and dryngke, for þat is þe grettest helpe þat 3e may haue now to your helthe ward. Your sone faryth wel, blyssyd be God.
6. Biographical notes
Geoffrey Chaucer (1340-1399?)
The known facts of Chaucer's life are fragmentary and are based almost entirely on official records. He was born in London between 1340 and 1344, the son of John Chaucer, a vintner. In 1357 he was a page in the household of Prince Lionel, later duke of Clarence, whom he served for many years. In 1359–60 he was with the army of Edward III in France, where he was captured by the French but ransomed.
By 1366 he had married Philippa Roet, who was probably the sister of John of Gaunt's third wife; she was a lady-in-waiting to Edward III's queen. During the years 1370 to 1378, Chaucer was frequently employed on diplomatic missions to the Continent, visiting Italy in 1372–73 and in 1378. From 1374 on he held a number of official positions, among them comptroller of customs on furs, skins, and hides for the port of London (1374–86) and clerk of the king's works (1389–91). The official date of Chaucer's death is Oct. 25, 1400. He was buried in Westminster Abbey.
Chaucer's literary activity is often divided into three periods. The first period includes his early work (to 1370), which is based largely on French models, especially the Roman de la Rose and the poems of Guillaume de Machaut. Chaucer's chief works during this time are the Book of the Duchess, an allegorical lament written in 1369 on the death of Blanche, wife of John of Gaunt, and a partial translation of the Roman de la Rose.
Chaucer's second period (up to c.1387) is called his Italian period because during this time his works were modeled primarily on Dante and Boccaccio. Major works of the second period include The House of Fame, recounting the adventures of Aeneas after the fall of Troy; The Parliament of Fowls, which tells of the mating of fowls on St. Valentine's Day and is thought to celebrate the betrothal of Richard II to Anne of Bohemia; and a prose translation of Boethius' De consolatione philosophiae.
Also among the works of this period are the unfinished Legend of Good Women, a poem telling of nine classical heroines, which introduced the heroic couplet (two rhyming lines of iambic pentameter) into English verse; the prose fragment The Treatise on the Astrolabe, written for his son Lewis; and Troilus and Criseyde, based on Boccaccio's Filostrato, one of the great love poems in the English language. In Troilus and Criseyde, Chaucer perfected the seven-line stanza later called rhyme royal.
To Chaucer's final period, in which he achieved his fullest artistic power, belongs his masterpiece, The Canterbury Tales (written mostly after 1387). This unfinished poem, about 17,000 lines, is one of the most brilliant works in all literature. The poem introduces a group of pilgrims journeying from London to the shrine of St. Thomas à Becket at Canterbury. To help pass the time they decide to tell stories. Together, the pilgrims represent a wide cross section of 14th-century English life.
The pilgrims' tales include a variety of medieval genres from the humorous fabliau to the serious homily, and they vividly indicate medieval attitudes and customs in such areas as love, marriage, and religion. Through Chaucer's superb powers of characterization the pilgrims - such as the earthy wife of Bath, the gentle knight, the worldly prioress, the evil summoner - come intensely alive. Chaucer was a master storyteller and craftsman, but because of a change in the language after 1400, his metrical technique was not fully appreciated until the 18th cent. Only in Scotland in the 15th and 16th cent. did his imitators understand his versification.
The best editions of Chaucer's works are those of F. N. Robinson (1933) and W. W. Skeat (7 vol., 1894–97); of The Canterbury Tales, that of J. M. Manly and E. Rickert (8 vol., 1940); of Troilus and Criseyde, that of R. K. Root (1926).
Bibliography
C. Muscatine, Chaucer and the French Tradition (1960); G. G. Coulton, Chaucer and His England (1950, repr. 1963); M. A. Bowden, A Reader's Guide to Geoffrey Chaucer (1964); G. G. Williams, A New View of Chaucer (1965); M. Hussey et al., Introduction to Chaucer (1965); D. W. Robertson, Jr., Chaucer's London (1968); G. L. Kittredge, Chaucer and His Poetry (1915, repr. 1970); I. Robinson, Chaucer's Prosody (1971) and Chaucer and the English Tradition (1972); P. M. Kean, Chaucer and the Making of English Poetry (2 vol., 1972); D. Brewer, ed., Chaucer: The Critical Heritage (2 vol., 1978); B. Rowland, ed., Companion to Chaucer Studies (1979); D. R. Howard, Chaucer: His Life, His Works, His World (1989). Bibliographies for 1908 to 1953 by D. D. Griffith (rev. ed. 1954) and for 1954 to 1963 by W. R. Crawford (1967).
William Langland (c.1332–c.1400)
Putative author of Piers Plowman. He was born probably at Ledbury near the Welsh marshes and may have gone to school at Great Malvern Priory. Although he took minor orders he never became a priest. Later in London he apparently eked out his living by singing masses and copying documents. His great work, Piers Plowman, or, more precisely, The Vision of William concerning Piers the Plowman, is an allegorical poem in unrhymed alliterative verse, regarded as the greatest Middle English poem prior to Chaucer. It is both a social satire and a vision of the simple Christian life. The poem consists of three dream visions: (1) in which Holy Church and Lady Meed (representing the temptation of riches) woo the dreamer; (2) in which Piers leads a crowd of penitents in search of St. Truth; and (3) the vision of Do-well (the practice of the virtues), Do-bet (in which Piers becomes the Good Samaritan practicing charity), and Do-best (in which the simple plowman is identified with Jesus himself). The 47 extant manuscripts of the poem fall into three groups: the A-text (2,567 lines, c.1362); the B-text, which greatly expands the third vision (7,242 lines, c.1376–77); the C-text, a revision of B (7,357 lines, between 1393 and 1398). Most scholars now believe that at least the A- and B-texts are the work of William Langland, whose biography has been deduced from passages in the poem. However, some still hold that the poem is the work of two or even five authors. The popularity of the poem is attested to by the large number of surviving manuscripts and by its many imitators. The 19th-century edition of W. W. Skeat (new ed. 1954) is still standard; the best modern versions are those of Donald Attwater (1930) and H. W. Wells (1935).
Bibliography
E. T. Donaldson (1955; and 1949, repr. 1966), M. W. Bloomfield (1962), E. D. Kirk (1972), J. M. Bowers (1986), and A. V. Schmidt (1987); critical writings, ed. by S. S. Hussey (1969).
The Pearl poet (supposed author of Sir Gawain)
Written in the late fourteenth century, Sir Gawain is made up of two stories, one (the testing at Bercilak’s castle) set inside the other (the beheading of the Green Knight at the beginning and the return blow at the end). That is not to say it is a cut-and-paste job; it is thought by many to be the finest literary work of the Middle Ages. It is also the rarest of tales: a love story that isn’t, really, as well as one of the funniest tales of the Middle Ages, rivalling anything written by the anonymous poet’s more famous contemporary, Geoffrey Chaucer. (The author also wrote a fine religious poem in the form of a dream vision, which we call Pearl.)
In the first episode at King Arthur’s castle, you must bear in mind that no one knows what is going on. Like Grendel, the Green Knight is a sort of creature never seen before by men. Sir Gawain is, throughout the poem, marked by absolute courtliness, that is to say, the is always courageous, honorable (he keeps his word), devout, loyal, and gracious toward all men and (especially) women (pay special attention to the pentangle). He thinks it is his courage that is being tested. He does not realize that the incidents in his bedroom at Bercilak’s castle, which parallel the hunting scenes are actually another kind of test. Thus, when he arrives to face his test at the end, he discovers that he has already been tested - that his test is, in fact, over.
The Green Knight is probably not to be seen as evil. He is a shape-shifter, and Bercilak seems to say that the Bercilak-persona is the ‘real’ one. However, don’t give too much credence to his ‘explanation’ of his motivations at the end of the poem, which is pretty preposterous and doesn’t really explain anything.
John Gower (c.1308–1408)
John Gower, poet and friend of Chaucer, was born around 1330, into a prominent Yorkshire family which held properties in Kent, Yorkshire, Norfolk and Suffolk. Gower's coat of arms is identical to those of Sir Robert Gower of Brabourne. Nothing is known of his education, though it has been speculated that he was trained in law. Gower himself held properties in Suffolk and Kent, where he seems to have resided until taking up residence in the priory of St. Mary Overies in Southwark, London, around 1377.
Gower's first work was Mirour de l'Omme (i.e. Mirror of Man) (written 1376-79), an allegorical poem in French meditating on the fall of man and the effect of sin on the world. Gower later latinized the title to Speculum Hominis, and later changed it to Speculum Meditantis to fit with the titles of his later works. Around 1377, Gower began work on Vox Clamantis (i.e. The Voice of One Crying), an essay in Latin elegiac verse. Like the Speculum Meditantis, it too treats of sinfulness, and criticizes the corruption of the society. It also provides a contemporary view of the Peasants' Revolt of 1381. Gower's moral and philosophical writings were highly praised by his peers. In 1385, Gower's good friend, Geoffrey Chaucer, dedicated the Troilus and Criseyde to him, giving him the epithet "moral Gower."
In 1386, Gower began work on his most acclaimed work, Confessio Amantis (i.e. Lover's Confession). Unlike his previous works, Gower wrote the Confessio in English at the request of Richard II who was concerned that so little was being written in English. It is a collection of tales and exempla treating of courtly love. The framework is that of a lover complaining first to Venus, and later in the work, confessing to her priest, Genius. The Confessio, completed around 1390, is an important contribution to courtly love literature in English. Some of the stories have their counterparts in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, and one of the stories later served as the source for Shakespeare's Pericles, in which Shakespeare had Gower appear in the Chorus. Gower revised Confessio Amantis in 1393, replacing the praise of King Richard II with a dedication to Henry of Lancaster. In return, Henry presented Gower with an ornamented collar.
Next, Gower composed a series of Latin poems, as well as Traitié, a sequence of French ballads in rhyme royal. In 1397, Gower married Agnes Groundolf, probably his second wife. By this time Gower was nearly blind, so the marriage may have been one of convenience. King Richard II was finally deposed by parliament in 1399, replaced by Henry Lancaster as King Henry IV. Soon afterwards, Gower composed a sequel to Vox Clamantis, the Cronica tripertita (i.e. Tripartite Chronicle), in which he condemned the vices of King Richard II and his court. At this time, Gower also wrote Latin verses in praise of the new King, as well as his last English work, "To King Henry, in Praise of Peace". In 1400, Gower dedicated and presented his French work Cinkante Balades (Fifty Ballads), which some attribute to his younger days, to King Henry. Old and blind, John Gower died in 1408, leaving a considerable estate. He was buried in St. Mary Overies, now the cathedral of St. Saviour's, in Southwark, where his tomb can still be seen today.
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